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In our flailing era, incumbency has become a liability

US President Joe Biden participates in a restricted bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Friday, March 24, 2023, in the Prime Minister’s Office at Parliament Hill in Ottawa. Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz via Flickr.

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It’s a tough time to be an incumbent, regardless of whether you’re ideologically left, right, or centre.

In the United Kingdom, Rishi Sunak’s Conservative government went down hard against the Labour Party. In France, president Macron’s legislative snap-election gambit is set to fail, with the far-right’s massive projected gains stymied only by an 11th-hour effort across parties to coordinate against them. In Germany, prime minister Olaf Scholz is unpopular and facing his own reckoning as his government crumbles.

In the United States, president Biden is slumping in post-debate polls. He was already facing a tough rematch against Donald Trump before his disastrous performance on stage.

In Australia, prime minister Anthony Albanese’s popularity hit a low this month, with half of the country disapproving of his job performance. Nine months ago, in New Zealand voters returned a National Party government as the country’s Labour party lost its parliamentary majority and then some.

At home, prime minister Trudeau and the Liberals have been trailing Pierre Poilievre’s Conservative Party for a long time. The Tories have opened a consistent double-digit lead, in some polls exceeding 20 points. The Liberals are set to lose the next federal election, which is scheduled for the fall of 2025.

What’s happening in these advanced democracies gives us a hint about what might be a broader phenomenon playing out right now: a backlash against incumbents that cuts across the political spectrum, writes @David_Moscrop

What’s happening in these advanced democracies gives us a hint about what might be a broader phenomenon playing out right now: a backlash against incumbents that cuts across the political spectrum — parties of all stripes that have been in power over the past several years are, across the global North, being shown the door.

It’s wrong to think that voters are inherently ideological or partisan. Some are one or the other. Some are both. Profiles vary country by country. But, as a rule, most people aren’t little political machines walking around with entrenched and consistent ideological political commitments.

But in a shared society, people experience — and respond to — the same forces. That includes getting angry and frustrated and keen to throw the bums out, whatever their ideological disposition, when things get tough. Because people want solutions to their problems.

The last year, or perhaps few years, suggests that voters in a host of similar democracies are dissatisfied with the status quo, with the resulting split in support forming less along right-left lines than incumbent-challenger. And while each country has its own history, dynamics, issues, personalities, and quirks, each shares certain challenges, too.

Monocausal explanations for complex outcomes tend to be lazy, but at the risk of being slothful, it’s fair to say that the global affordability crisis brought about by the pandemic, Russia’s war in Ukraine, and corporate wealth hoarding and gouging has caught up with governments who are expected to be doing something about all of this. Incumbent governments have overseen periods of significant upheaval and crisis, the pandemic chief among them. No government can anticipate or solve every problem, but people expect their lives to get better over time, not worse – and in many cases, worse is winning the day.

Housing costs have skyrocketed in nearly every one of the aforementioned democracies. Pack on top of that growing anxiety about climate change and crumbling international (and, for that matter, domestic) institutions alongside a tense geopolitical realignment towards a multipolar world, and you find that people are a bit, let’s say, frazzled.

What can be done? For some governments, the time for wondering has passed. Labour in New Zealand is the better part of a year gone and the Conservatives in the U.K. will now join them on the sidelines. France’s parliamentary election isn’t over, but the core damage has been done. Elsewhere, we get a lot of scrambling and desperation, which doesn’t exactly project an air of confidence. But what are you meant to do when nothing seems to be working?

In many cases, including Canada, the answer might be that governments need to hustle to do their most ambitious work before the clock runs out. It’s not exactly a Hail Mary approach as much as a recognition that the electorate has made up their mind and so you’d best do what you can now before you meet your fate. Do good work, do it as fast as you can, and shore up the best of your institutions just in case the next lot intend to try to tear everything down. That’s certainly good advice for Canada.

The U.S. presents a particular challenge because as disappointing as Biden has been in many ways, the alternative to a Democratic win is an authoritarian Republican. There’s time, perhaps, to improve the chances that doesn’t happen by choosing a nominee to replace Biden.

In the long run, all countries would benefit from building more robust welfare states, socializing elements of the economy, demanding more from corporations, and getting aggressive in the fight against climate change. None of this is likely to save incumbents in the short-run, but we need to keep thinking about the medium- and long-run, too. Because with one possible exception, these won’t be the last elections we see.

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