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To save Canada, we need a stronger federal government

For too long, Canada's federal government has been making strategic retreats from wielding its power. If we're going to stand up to Trumpism, that has to change — and fast. Photo by Jason Hafso on Unsplash

It’s not clear yet whether the 30-day delay announced by Donald Trump on his promised tariffs on Canada is a stay of economic execution or merely its postponement. The pause will give Canadian leaders time to negotiate what Trump has called a “final economic deal,” and they should use the time to figure out how best to flatter, cajole, and otherwise convince Trump that Canada is not, in fact, a threat. They should also use it to prepare for the new reality in which America very much is a threat to us. 

That almost certainly means more military and defence spending, along with the elimination of interprovincial trade barriers and the deepening of economic relationships with Europe, China, and the rest of the world. It definitely means a renewed interest in building oil and gas export pipelines on the part of people who have always been interested in it, although it remains to be seen whether they can actually convince anyone who wasn’t already in their camp. 

Most of all, though, it means a strong federal government, one that’s capable of successfully advancing national initiatives. Unfortunately, we don’t have one of those right now. That’s not just because parliament is prorogued or the Liberals are trailing badly in the polls. It’s because for years — decades, really — our prime ministers have been ceding ground and authority to the provinces. Yes, the current government has bucked that trend when it comes to greenhouse gas emissions, and invited all manner of pushback from provinces like Alberta and Quebec in the process. But on almost every other issue, from healthcare funding to minority rights and the constitution, it’s been one “strategic” retreat after another. 

The Charter of Rights and Freedoms’ notwithstanding clause, for example, has been invoked eight times by provincial governments in the last five years. The reason why you might not know this is because the federal government has barely made a peep about it, especially when the government doing it is in Quebec. Last year, Saskatchewan’s government instructed its provincial energy utility not to collect the carbon tax on natural gas — and, for all intents and purposes, break the law. Here again, the federal government was effectively mute. 

The Harper government wasn’t any better. It sold off the Canadian Wheat Board, gutted the long-form census and other key data collection exercises at Statistics Canada, and cut the GST by two points in order to reduce the federal government’s available fiscal capacity. His overarching vision of so-called “open federalism” eschewed the idea of national priorities and standards, especially in areas of social policymaking. 

The last truly strong federal government might be the one led by Jean Chretien in 2000 — the same one that had the courage and clarity to keep us out of America’s misadventure in Iraq. If Canada is going to resist the gravitational pull of Trumpism, a force that will exist long after its namesake is gone, we won’t do it as a loose coalition of regional interests. We will have to invest our federal government, regardless of who’s leading it, with the sort of power and authority that is capable of pursuing national objectives — and overriding provincial objections. 

That could mean creating a national energy program for the 21st century, one that better connects our provincial electricity grids, supports the development of resources like uranium and critical minerals, and builds out massive amounts of low-cost clean electricity. That could mean major new investments in our military resilience to make us better able to address both the threats posed by potentially hostile activity in the Arctic and growing risks of wildfires and other climate-driven disasters. And it almost certainly means tax increases — perhaps restoring the GST to seven per cent, for starters — that help pay for these priorities. 

It won’t be easy. It might not even be possible. The issue of interprovincial trade barriers offers an object lesson here. As Internal Trade Minister Anita Anand said recently, clearing these away “could lower prices by up to 15 per cent, boost productivity by up to seven per cent and add up to $200 billion to the domestic economy." Low-hanging fruit, right? 

The federal government actually tried to pick that fruit in 2017 when it and every province and territory signed the Canadian Free Trade Agreement. That deal created a binding dispute resolution mechanism that could, in theory, eliminate much of the regulatory misalignment and lack of national standardization that constitute most of our internal trade barriers. Unfortunately, those provinces also negotiated 245 different exemptions, a few of which make sense (language laws, for example) but most merely protect existing provincial fiefdoms: controlling who can own grazing land or who can harvest wild rice, for example. If Ottawa can’t break through this sort of resistance, how can it hope to achieve more pressing (and challenging) national objectives? 

More military spending. New trade partners. A 21st century national energy program. These are all potential ways to push back against America's growing imperialism towards Canada. But all of them depend on one thing: a strong federal government.

Then again, that was before Trump delivered the biggest collective wakeup call in our history. Thirty days isn’t nearly enough time to change the balance of power between the federal government and the provinces, much less advance the kind of legislation that entails. But it is enough time to get the conversation started, and it’s one that should define our next federal election. 

The carbon tax that Conservatives have been attacking for years suddenly looks like the thinnest of all possible gruels, not least because both Mark Carney and Chrystia Freeland have said they’ll scrap the consumer portion of it. Instead, we all have to consider far more important questions: what does it really mean to put Canada first, and who is best able to do it? 

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In reply to by Geoffrey Pounder