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Poilievre is losing ground thanks to the Trump effect

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre pauses as he speaks during a news conference in Vancouver on Monday, February 3, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ethan Cairns

“Everything Trump touches dies.” That’s the phrase coined by Rick Wilson, the former Republican strategist turned anti-Trump activist and Lincoln Project co-founder, who documented its many examples in a 2018 book by the same name. Now, it seems, we may have a Canadian case study to add to his list: Pierre Poilievre’s once-insurmountable polling lead. 

After all, it’s not just the EKOS polls showing Poilievre’s lead is evaporating. A recent Pallas Data poll put the Liberals one point ahead of the Conservatives with Mark Carney as leader, while Mainstreet’s Ontario polling has the federal Liberals ahead by nine points in that province. Leger, the gold-standard pollster in Quebec, has a Carney-led Liberals at 38 per cent — a level the Liberals haven’t hit in a federal election there since 2000. Even Nanos Research, which had the Liberals trailing Poilievre’s Conservatives by 27 points in early January, now has them only trailing by eight points. 

Some of this is surely a dead-cat, post-Trudeau bounce. Kim Campbell saw a similar surge after she took over from Brian Mulroney in 1993, only to squander it with one of the worst campaign ads in political history. Some of it is a reflection of Mark Carney’s strengths and their fit for a moment that’s defined by a mixture of economic anxiety and political uncertainty. But much of this bounce, and maybe most of it, is because of Trump and his repeated threats to Canada’s sovereignty and security. 

That’s clearly bad news for Pierre Poilievre’s Conservative Party, which has spent the last few years telling Canadians how broken their country is. Trump is essentially making the same argument, and laying the blame on the same government. Not surprisingly, perhaps, Poilievre is finding it difficult to pivot away from this message and towards something more positive and unifying. 

As he said recently, "President Trump has been given an incredible gift by these radical, anti-development Liberals when they block the projects that would have made us more self-reliant.” Never mind, for the moment, that it’s Trudeau’s government that built the first oil pipeline to Pacific tidewater (and new markets) in Poilievre’s lifetime, or that LNG Canada — the biggest new export project in Canadian history — is about to start shipping cargoes. Poilievre’s reflexive response to Trump’s illegal and unjustified economic attacks on our country is to immediately blame his domestic opponents for it. 

He has also found it conspicuously challenging to criticize the president who keeps threatening his country with economic ruin and existential oblivion. On the rare occasions where he summons the courage to actually invoke Trump’s name, as he did with the recent decision to impose tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum, he’s always careful to only criticize his policies. It’s a striking contrast for someone who routinely refers to his domestic political opponents as liars, lunatics, and “extremist wackos.”  

This isn’t an accident. While only two percent of Liberal supporters approve of Donald Trump, that spikes to 46 per cent — a plurality — among CPC supporters. His movement’s fondness and affection for Trumpism is not a secret, and it’s something they have — until now — proudly advertised and embraced. It’s why they endorse his nonsensical pretext around fentanyl, facts notwithstanding. It’s why they trade in conspiracy theories about government agencies and their supposedly scandalous spending. And it’s why they continue to blame Trudeau and the Liberal government for the growing volume of American insults to our sovereignty. 

It’s because in their heart of hearts, they think Trump is right. They think he’s right about diversity, equity and inclusion programs, about the importance of growing oil and gas production, about the “scam” of climate change, about “wokeism,” and about the importance of revering our history rather than reviewing it. Indeed, it’s hard to find anything they don’t think he’s right about other than the tariffs directed at our economy, and even then they seem willing to grant him his various half-baked justifications and explanations. 

Just listen to Poilievre talking about foreign aid at his recent press conference in decidedly Trumpian terms. “We can’t be sending billions of dollars to other places, often as much of it is wasted and stolen and swallowed up by bureaucracies that act against our interests,” he said. “I will be bringing our money home with massive cuts to these wasteful and corrupt foreign aid grants.” Sound familiar? It should. 

Pierre Poilievre's Conservatives looked like they were coasting to a massive majority government. Then Donald Trump came along and ruined everything for them.

The Liberal campaign ads here practically write themselves. That’s especially true when they have photos of high-profile Conservatives like Jenni Byrne, Poilievre’s senior adviser and close friend, proudly wearing their MAGA hats. The CPC’s affinity for Trump and those in his orbit is an anchor that Liberals will tie around their collective waist, one they know Poilievre and his team can’t actually cut. If they do, after all, they’ll invite the bleeding of far-right support to Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party that they’ve spent years trying to avoid. 

Poilievre could always decide to find his spine here and make a real stand. As Conservative activist Spencer Fernando wrote in a recent piece for The Hub, “to support Trump as a Canadian means effectively siding against your own country. It means choosing to hate your political opponents more than you love Canada. It means in my judgement giving up a claim to patriotism.” He suggested that Conservatives should view Trump as “the ultimate test of whether they’re committed to conservative ideas and values or prepared to choose the politics of personality over principles.” 

Poilievre seems destined, even determined, to fail that test. Canadian voters, on the other hand, might yet surprise us all. 

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