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No, Justin Trudeau’s climate plan isn’t NEP 2.0

Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed in November 1977. Photo via Provincial Archives of Alberta, J3672.2 / Flickr (CC BY-ND 2.0)

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For as long as Justin Trudeau has been involved in federal politics, he’s had to work in the shadow cast by his late father, and few things Pierre Elliott Trudeau did cast a bigger shadow in the Prairies than the National Energy Program.

The elder Trudeau quickly retreated from its most aggressive elements after oil prices collapsed in the early 1980s and the western premiers made their anger towards the NEP known, but its legacy remains seared in the minds of older generations of Albertans — and, it seems, many conservative columnists.

Take the Globe and Mail’s John Ibbitson, who invoked the spectre of the NEP in describing the newly realigned federal cabinet and its renewed focus on environmental issues. “The Guilbeault/Wilkinson tag team could be formidable in reducing carbon emissions, but it would surely come at the expense of the Alberta and Saskatchewan energy sector. This could be NEP 2.0.”

This isn’t the first time Ibbitson has tried to play this particular card. Back in 2016, after the federal government made it clear it was going to implement a national price on carbon and force holdout provinces to adhere to it, he wrote, “If this feels like the National Energy Program 2.0, that’s because it is: Ottawa dictating energy policy to the provinces, this time in the cause of fighting climate change.”

He’s hardly the first columnist who has compared Justin Trudeau’s ongoing efforts to address climate change with his father’s own signature energy policy.

Opinion: If irony could power our vehicles and heat our homes, we’d never need to drill for another barrel of oil in Western Canada again, writes columnist @maxfawcett. #NEP #Cdnpoli #Oil

In 2016, former Edmonton Journal columnist Gary Lamphier invoked the NEP based on comments the newly elected prime minister made in Davos, asking: “Is Prime Minister Justin Trudeau preparing to launch NEP 2.0, a repackaged, modern-day version of the disastrous National Energy Program that was inflicted on Albertans by his father in the 1980s?”

In 2017, the proposed changes to the environmental assessment rules governing major resource projects in Canada meant another reference to the NEP, this time in a John Ivison column.

That link between the federal government’s new environmental assessment act and the NEP was made again in 2018 once the regulations were finalized, this time by Postmedia columnist (are you sensing a trend yet?) Lorne Gunter. “Justin Trudeau’s new environmental assessment regulations — released Thursday — are similar to his father’s National Energy Program (NEP), except Trudeau Jr.’s NEP 2.0 is actually an upside down version,” he wrote.

And in 2019, former Alberta finance minister Ted Morton wrote in the Calgary Herald that “today, his son’s carbon tax and Bill C-69 — the no-pipelines-ever law — are NEP 2.0.”

This lack of creativity on the part of conservative columnists is bad enough, but what makes it worse is that the comparison they keep going back to doesn’t withstand even the smallest amount of scrutiny. Justin Trudeau’s father, after all, didn't exactly hide his willingness to take from the West in order to give to the East.

As prime minister, the current Trudeau has basically done the opposite. He bought the Trans Mountain pipeline extension and committed to building it at a substantial political cost in British Columbia. He helped get LNG Canada, the largest energy project in Canadian history, across the finish line by granting it $275 million in direct support and tariff relief on the imported steel modules it uses that’s worth as much as $1 billion. He also sent nearly $2 billion to help the oil and gas industry clean up wells that it couldn’t bother to clean up itself.

What makes this ongoing fascination with the NEP even more bizarre is that past and present Prairie premiers like Jason Kenney, Scott Moe, and Brad Wall keep arguing for a de-facto national energy program. They remain outraged that the Energy East pipeline to Quebec was allowed to die, and they blame the Trudeau government for having the temerity to ask its proponents to account for their greenhouse gas emissions. But a pipeline from Alberta to Quebec was one of the core features of the NEP.

Then there’s their desire to see American and Saudi Arabian imports replaced with Canadian barrels in Eastern Canada, which was central to the NEP. And now, as the world begins to focus on the transition away from fossil fuels, they want to see a deliberate effort to overwhelm or contain global market forces — just like the NEP tried to do after the oil shock of the 1970s.

If irony could power our vehicles and heat our homes, we’d never need to drill for another barrel of oil in Western Canada again.

But while conservative columnists remain fixated on the perceived affront that federal climate policies represent to Prairie voters, it’s not clear the people who actually live here are buying that.

Ibbitson even acknowledges as much at the end of his column, noting that “reasonable efforts to reduce emissions by the oil-and-gas sector will have the support of many people in Alberta and Saskatchewan who are as worried about global warming as anyone else.”

Time will tell if the Liberals pay an electoral price for putting an environmentalist in the top environmental job. But time is something we're running out of when it comes to climate change, and maybe, just maybe, placating the Prairie premiers shouldn't be the prime minister’s top priority.

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